Besim Laci<\/p>\n
Kosova po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur institucionale q\u00eb lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si zgjidhet Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs. Seanca e fundit, ku ishin t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm vet\u00ebm 66 deputet\u00eb, d\u00ebshtoi t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb kuorumin prej 80 deputet\u00ebsh t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar nga Kushtetuta. Menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj, Presidentja shpalli shp\u00ebrndarjen e Kuvendit, duke hapur nj\u00eb debat t\u00eb thell\u00eb juridik dhe politik.<\/p>\n
Kjo situat\u00eb ka nxjerr\u00eb n\u00eb pah nj\u00eb problem m\u00eb t\u00eb madh: sistemi aktual i zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit \u00ebsht\u00eb i brisht\u00eb, i bllokuesh\u00ebm dhe pothuajse unik n\u00eb bot\u00eb.<\/p>\n
N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb artikull analizoj:
\n– \u00e7far\u00eb thot\u00eb Kushtetuta,
\n– si ka vepruar Presidentja,
\n– cil\u00ebt jan\u00eb skenar\u00ebt e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese,
\n– pse sistemi aktual prodhon kriza,
\n– dhe si mund t\u00eb reformohet ky proces p\u00ebr t\u00eb garantuar stabilitet.<\/p>\n
1. \u00c7far\u00eb thot\u00eb Kushtetuta p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit?<\/p>\n
Neni 86 i Kushtetut\u00ebs s\u00eb Republik\u00ebs s\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs p\u00ebrcakton:<\/p>\n
Raundi i par\u00eb dhe i dyt\u00eb
\n– Duhet t\u00eb jen\u00eb t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm t\u00eb pakt\u00ebn 80 deputet\u00eb.
\n– Presidenti zgjidhet me 80 vota.<\/p>\n
Raundi i tret\u00eb
\n– Mund t\u00eb mbahet vet\u00ebm n\u00ebse dy raundet e para jan\u00eb zhvilluar me kuorum t\u00eb plot\u00eb.
\n– Presidenti zgjidhet me 61 vota.
\nN\u00ebse Presidenti nuk zgjidhet
\n–\u00a0Kuvendi shp\u00ebrndahet dhe shpallen zgjedhje t\u00eb reja.<\/p>\n
Kushtetuta nuk e parashikon qart\u00eb nj\u00eb situat\u00eb ku procedura nuk fillon fare, sepse nuk mblidhen 80 deputet\u00eb. Ky \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb boshll\u00ebk i r\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm juridik.<\/p>\n
2.\u00a0Si ka vepruar Presidentja?
\nN\u00eb seanc\u00ebn e fundit:
\n– T\u00eb pranish\u00ebm ishin vet\u00ebm 66 deputet\u00eb.
\n– Kuorumi prej 80 deputet\u00ebsh nuk u arrit.
\n– Juridikisht, raundi i par\u00eb nuk ka ndodhur.
\n– Procedura nuk ka filluar.
\nPresidentja shpalli shp\u00ebrndarjen e Kuvendit menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas seanc\u00ebs.<\/p>\n
Argumenti kund\u00ebr shp\u00ebrndarjes
\n– Pa filluar procedura, nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb d\u00ebshtim t\u00eb procedur\u00ebs.
\n– Pa d\u00ebshtim, nuk mund t\u00eb ket\u00eb shp\u00ebrndarje.<\/p>\n
Argumenti pro shp\u00ebrndarjes
\n– Kuvendi ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb detyrimin kushtetues.
\n– Bllokimi i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm e paralizon shtetin.
\n– Presidentja ka detyr\u00eb t\u00eb garantoj\u00eb funksionimin e institucioneve.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, \u00e7\u00ebshtja ka shkuar n\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebn Kushtetuese.<\/p>\n
3. Skenar\u00ebt e mundsh\u00ebm t\u00eb Gjykat\u00ebs Kushtetuese
\nGjykata mund t\u00eb marr\u00eb nj\u00eb nga tre vendimet e m\u00ebposhtme:<\/p>\n
Skenari 1: Shp\u00ebrndarja e Kuvendit \u00ebsht\u00eb e drejt\u00eb
\nGjykata mund t\u00eb vler\u00ebsoj\u00eb se:
\n– Kuvendi ka d\u00ebshtuar t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbush\u00eb detyrimin kushtetues.
\n– Bllokimi i q\u00ebllimsh\u00ebm e cenon funksionimin e shtetit.
\n– Presidentja ka vepruar p\u00ebr t\u00eb shmangur kriz\u00ebn.
\nPasojat:
\n– Zgjedhjet mbahen sipas dekretit.
\n– Kuvendi i vjet\u00ebr nuk rikthehet.
\n– Presidentja del e forcuar politikisht.<\/p>\n
Skenari 2: Shp\u00ebrndarja \u00ebsht\u00eb e gabuar
\nGjykata mund t\u00eb thot\u00eb se:
\n– Procedura nuk kishte filluar.
\n– Pa procedur\u00eb nuk ka d\u00ebshtim.
\n– Pa d\u00ebshtim nuk ka shp\u00ebrndarje.
\nPasojat:
\n– Kuvendi rikthehet n\u00eb pun\u00eb.
\n– Duhet t\u00eb thirret nj\u00eb seanc\u00eb e re.
\n– Opozita del fituese politike.
\n– Kriza mund t\u00eb vazhdoj\u00eb.<\/p>\n
Skenari 3: Zgjidhje e nd\u00ebrmjetme
\nGjykata mund t\u00eb jap\u00eb nj\u00eb vendim t\u00eb balancuar:
\n– Kuvendi rikthehet, por me afat t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr t\u00eb siguruar kuorumin.
\n– N\u00ebse brenda afatit nuk mblidhen 80 deputet\u00eb \u2192 shp\u00ebrndarje automatike.
\nKy skenar \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb i mundshmi juridikisht, sepse shmang precedent\u00ebt ekstrem\u00eb.<\/p>\n
4. A \u00ebsht\u00eb sistemi aktual funksional?
\nSistemi aktual i zgjedhjes s\u00eb Presidentit \u00ebsht\u00eb pothuajse unik n\u00eb bot\u00eb, sepse kombinon:
\n1. Zgjedhje indirekte nga Parlamenti
\n2. Kuorum t\u00eb detyruesh\u00ebm prej 2\/3
\n3. Raund t\u00eb tret\u00eb me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb
\n4. Shp\u00ebrndarje automatike t\u00eb Kuvendit n\u00eb rast d\u00ebshtimi<\/p>\n
Ky kombinim e b\u00ebn sistemin:
\n– t\u00eb brisht\u00eb,
\n– t\u00eb bllokuesh\u00ebm,
\n– t\u00eb varur nga bojkotet,
\n– dhe t\u00eb paq\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm p\u00ebr nj\u00eb demokraci t\u00eb re.
\nAsnj\u00eb shtet evropian nuk e ka k\u00ebt\u00eb model.<\/p>\n
5. Si mund t\u00eb dilet nga kjo kriz\u00eb e p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur?
\nKosova ka dy rrug\u00eb t\u00eb mundshme:
\nRruga 1: P\u00ebrmir\u00ebsimi i sistemit aktual
\n– Ulja e kuorumit prej 80 deputet\u00ebsh
\n– Heqja e shp\u00ebrndarjes automatike
\n– Vendosja e nj\u00eb afati t\u00eb qart\u00eb p\u00ebr procedur\u00ebn
\n– Mund\u00ebsia e zgjedhjes me shumic\u00eb t\u00eb thjesht\u00eb pas disa raundeve<\/p>\n
Rruga 2: Zgjedhja direkte e Presidentit nga populli
\nKy model:
\n– shmang bllokadat parlamentare,
\n– rrit legjitimitetin demokratik,
\n– garanton stabilitet institucional,
\n– dhe i jep popullit fjal\u00ebn e fundit.<\/p>\n
Shum\u00eb shtete evropiane me popullsi t\u00eb ngjashme e p\u00ebrdorin k\u00ebt\u00eb model.<\/p>\n
6. Propozimi im p\u00ebr nj\u00eb reform\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb dhe t\u00eb zbatueshme
\nUn\u00eb besoj se Kosova duhet t\u00eb kaloj\u00eb n\u00eb zgjedhje direkte t\u00eb Presidentit nga populli.
\nSi duhet t\u00eb funksionoj\u00eb modeli i ri?<\/p>\n
1\ufe0f\u20e3 \u00c7do parti politike t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb propozoj\u00eb nga nj\u00eb kandidat
\nMe kushtin minimal t\u00eb mbledhjes s\u00eb 10 mij\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimeve nga qytetar\u00ebt.<\/p>\n
2\ufe0f\u20e3 \u00c7do qytetar i pavarur (jo partiak) t\u00eb ket\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb t\u00eb kandidoj\u00eb
\nMe t\u00eb nj\u00ebjtin kusht prej 10 mij\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimesh.
\nKy model \u00ebsht\u00eb:
\n– i drejt\u00eb,
\n– i barabart\u00eb,
\n– i zbatuesh\u00ebm,
\n– dhe n\u00eb p\u00ebrputhje me standardet evropiane.<\/p>\n
7. \u00c7far\u00eb duhet t\u00eb plot\u00ebsoj\u00eb nj\u00eb kandidat p\u00ebr President?<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrve\u00e7 10 mij\u00eb n\u00ebnshkrimeve, nj\u00eb kandidat duhet t\u00eb ket\u00eb:
\n– Shtet\u00ebsi t\u00eb Kosov\u00ebs
\n– Mosh\u00eb 35+
\n– Banim t\u00eb p\u00ebrhersh\u00ebm n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb
\n– Past\u00ebrti juridike
\n– T\u00eb mos mbaj\u00eb poste t\u00eb tjera publike
\n– Deklarim t\u00eb pasuris\u00eb
\n– Regjistrim n\u00eb KQZ
\n– Respektim t\u00eb rregullave t\u00eb fushat\u00ebs<\/p>\n
K\u00ebto jan\u00eb standarde t\u00eb zakonshme n\u00eb demokracit\u00eb evropiane.<\/p>\n
P\u00ebrfundim<\/p>\n
Kosova ka nj\u00eb sistem pothuajse unik p\u00ebr zgjedhjen e Presidentit \u2014 dhe pik\u00ebrisht p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, ai ka prodhuar kriza t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritura.<\/p>\n
N\u00ebse duam stabilitet, funksionalitet dhe demokraci t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb duhet t\u00eb mendojm\u00eb seriozisht p\u00ebr nj\u00eb reform\u00eb kushtetuese q\u00eb i jep popullit fjal\u00ebn e fundit.<\/p>\n
Zgjedhja direkte e Presidentit, me rregulla t\u00eb qarta dhe t\u00eb barabarta p\u00ebr partit\u00eb dhe qytetar\u00ebt e pavarur, \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb hap i natyrsh\u00ebm drejt nj\u00eb sistemi m\u00eb t\u00eb drejt\u00eb, m\u00eb t\u00eb hapur dhe m\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndruesh\u00ebm.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Besim Laci Kosova po p\u00ebrballet me nj\u00eb kriz\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrs\u00ebritur institucionale q\u00eb lidhet drejtp\u00ebrdrejt me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si zgjidhet Presidenti i Republik\u00ebs. Seanca e fundit, ku ishin t\u00eb pranish\u00ebm vet\u00ebm 66 deputet\u00eb, d\u00ebshtoi t\u00eb siguroj\u00eb kuorumin prej 80 deputet\u00ebsh t\u00eb k\u00ebrkuar nga Kushtetuta. Menj\u00ebher\u00eb pas k\u00ebsaj, Presidentja shpalli shp\u00ebrndarjen e Kuvendit, duke hapur nj\u00eb debat […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7,"featured_media":9074,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-9078","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9078","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/7"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=9078"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9078\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9081,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/9078\/revisions\/9081"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/9074"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=9078"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=9078"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=9078"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}