{"id":8376,"date":"2025-11-11T21:59:54","date_gmt":"2025-11-11T21:59:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/?p=8376"},"modified":"2025-11-11T21:59:54","modified_gmt":"2025-11-11T21:59:54","slug":"fryma-e-re-shqiptare-ne-bashkimin-evropian","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/?p=8376","title":{"rendered":"Fryma e re shqiptare n\u00eb Bashkimin Evropian!"},"content":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Safet Sadiku<\/p>\n

T<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tre student\u00ebt kishin ardhur nga bot<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ndryshme, por ndanin nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ndjenj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rbashk<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t, se ishin pjes<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>epoke q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>po k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkonte t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rind<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rtoj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kuptimin e fjal<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s shqiptar, jo<\/em>\u00a0vet\u00ebm<\/em>\u00a0si p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkat<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>si, por\u00a0<\/em>edhe\u00a0<\/em>si p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>si.<\/em>
\n<\/em>
\n<\/strong>3) Shteti nuk nd\u00ebrtohet vet\u00ebm me liri. Liria \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimi, jo fundi. Pas saj vjen puna e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, pra\u00a0 nd\u00ebrtimi i dinjitetit. Shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb si nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon mir\u00ebmbajtje \u00e7do dit\u00eb. Jo vet\u00ebm themele t\u00eb forta, por edhe dritare t\u00eb hapura. Ai duhet t\u00eb flas\u00eb me z\u00eb t\u00eb qart\u00eb, t\u00eb mbroj\u00eb veten me argumente, t\u00eb q\u00ebndroj\u00eb n\u00eb tryezat ku p\u00ebrcaktohet fati i tij. Sepse kush mungon aty, mungon n\u00eb histori. Profesori i kishte nxjerr\u00eb p\u00ebrpara dy tekstet t\u00eb shk\u00ebputura nga stutent\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb, sikur d\u00ebshironte ta caktonte tem\u00ebn e tryez\u00ebs. N\u00eb tekstin e studentit t\u00eb par\u00eb thuhej: \u201eK<\/em>ush nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>i pranish<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vendimmarrje,<\/em>\u00a0nuk do t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ket<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>as fjal<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, as t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ardhme. Nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rtimi i shtetit\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>frym<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>marrje e gjat<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>. Nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rpjekje q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkon durim, maturi,<\/em>\u00a0dhe nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ndjenj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>thell<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0t\u00eb p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sis\u00eb. Sepse kombi nuk mbahet vet\u00ebm me kujtime t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>luft<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s, por edhe me dinjitetin e paqes. N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>fakt, rreziku m<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>i madh nuk po na vjen nga jasht<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, por nga brenda: nga p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r\u00e7arjet, nga heshtjet e gjata q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>fshehin munges<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vizioni, nga retorika boshe q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>z<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>vend<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>son pun<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n e ndershme. Nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shtet nuk humbet vet\u00ebm n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>luft<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, por<\/em>\u00a0ai humbet edhe n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tryez<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, kur nuk di t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mbroj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vetveten, kur lejon q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>z<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rat e dob<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rfaq<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sojn<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>interesat e m<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dha. Kjo\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kriz\u00eb<\/em>\u00a0e v<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rtet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>: nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>lodhje e mendimit shtet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ror, nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>zbraz<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ti q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mbulohet me fjal<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>m<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dha, por q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nuk mban pesh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>.\u201c<\/em>
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

Dhe n\u00eb tekstin e studentit t\u00eb dyt\u00eb thuhej:\u00a0\u201eNd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rtimi i nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shteti nuk\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>thjesht vet\u00ebm rezultat i sakrific<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s ose i luft<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r liri. Liria\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m hapi i par<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, \u00ebsht\u00eb porta q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>hapet drejt nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>udh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>timi shum<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>m<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>v<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>shtir<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, i<\/em>\u00a0atij t\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dinjitetit dhe zhvillimit t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>q<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ndruesh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m. Nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shtet i pjekur k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkon p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rfaq<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sim me dinjitet, mbrojtje t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>interesave komb<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>tare me argumente t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>forta, dhe mbi t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>gjitha, pjes<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>marrje t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rhershme n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ato tryeza ku p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rcaktohet e ardhmja e tij. Kush mungon aty, rrezikon t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>humbas<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>jo vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m z<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rin, por edhe vet<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ekzistenc<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n politike.\u00a0<\/em>Shteti\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>organiz<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>jeton me kujdes t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rditsh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m. Ai k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkon p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>si, bashk<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>punim dhe nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dije t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vazhdueshme p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r r<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sin<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e unifikimit. Sepse kombi nuk mbahet vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m me kujtime t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>luft<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s, por edhe me men<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>urin<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e paqes dhe me aft<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sin<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r ta ruajtur nderin n<\/em>\u00eb \u00e7<\/em>do vendim q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>merret n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>em<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tij.\u201c
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

\u2026N\u00eb sall\u00ebn e vjet\u00ebr t\u00eb Institutit Politik t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs, n\u00ebn drit\u00ebn e but\u00eb q\u00eb binte mbi portretet e dijetar\u00ebve austriak\u00eb, biseda mori nj\u00eb kthes\u00eb t\u00eb thell\u00eb historike. Profesori m\u00eb i moshuar, nj\u00eb studiues i shquar i Ballkanit, ngriti z\u00ebrin me qet\u00ebsi dhe tha: \u201cDuhet ta pranojm\u00eb se Evropa e njeh mir\u00eb historin\u00eb e padrejt\u00ebsive ndaj shqiptar\u00ebve. Q\u00eb nga Kongresi i Berlinit e deri te konferencat moderne t\u00eb Brukselit, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb qen\u00eb gjithmon\u00eb n\u00eb mes t\u00eb tryezave, por rrall\u00eb n\u00eb krye t\u00eb tyre. Austria, q\u00eb n\u00eb shekullin XIX, ka kuptuar se n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb gadishull t\u00eb lasht\u00eb, n\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb truall ilirik, ekziston nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb s\u2019e shuan dot as perandoria, as propaganda. T\u00eb kuptohemi se shqiptar\u00ebt, ndryshe nga shum\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00eb, nuk jan\u00eb t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtuar mbi urrejtje, por mbi kujtes\u00eb, me arkeologji shum\u00eb t\u00eb lasht\u00eb. Dhe kujtesa e tyre \u00ebsht\u00eb si nj\u00eb drit\u00eb q\u00eb nuk shuhet, edhe kur pushtetet nd\u00ebrrohen.\u201d<\/p>\n

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Profesori tjet\u00ebr, historian i periudh\u00ebs s\u00eb pasluft\u00ebs, mori fjal\u00ebn me nj\u00eb ton m\u00eb analitik, por me fjal\u00eb q\u00eb kishin pesh\u00eb emocionale: \u201cPor duhet ta themi hapur,\u201d tha ai, \u201cregjimet sllave, q\u00eb nga ndarja e territoreve shqiptare m\u00eb 1878, nuk kan\u00eb ndalur asnj\u00ebher\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekjen p\u00ebr ta zbehur k\u00ebt\u00eb drit\u00eb. Ata nuk e luftuan vet\u00ebm territorin shqiptar, por edhe vet\u00eb frym\u00ebn e tij kuptohet p\u00ebrmes politik\u00ebs, p\u00ebrmes gjuh\u00ebs, p\u00ebrmes imponimit t\u00eb kultur\u00ebs. Ajo q\u00eb ndodhi n\u00eb Kosov\u00eb, n\u00eb Maqedoni t\u00eb Veriut, n\u00eb Mal t\u00eb Zi, madje edhe n\u00eb pjes\u00ebt veriore t\u00eb Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb, nuk ishte vet\u00ebm kolonizim tokash, por kolonizim mendjesh. Nj\u00eb p\u00ebrpjekje e gjat\u00eb, e heshtur, p\u00ebr ta kthyer popullin shqiptar n\u00eb nj\u00eb hije t\u00eb vetvetes. Dhe fatkeq\u00ebsisht, pasojat e k\u00ebsaj politike t\u00eb helmuar shihen edhe sot, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn se si nj\u00eb pjes\u00eb e klas\u00ebs son\u00eb politike ende sillet me logjik\u00ebn e kontrollit, jo t\u00eb bashk\u00ebpunimit, t\u00eb hakmarrjes, jo t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtimit.\u201d<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb tjet\u00ebr profesor, i cili kishte studiuar p\u00ebrkrah historian\u00ebve shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb nga vitet \u201990, u shty pak p\u00ebrpara n\u00eb karrige dhe tha me theks t\u00eb qart\u00eb: \u201cPor p\u00ebrball\u00eb k\u00ebsaj trash\u00ebgimie t\u00eb imponuar, shqiptar\u00ebt kan\u00eb d\u00ebshmuar di\u00e7ka q\u00eb pak popuj e kan\u00eb: elasticitetin moral. Aft\u00ebsin\u00eb p\u00ebr t\u2019u ngritur pas \u00e7do shembjeje. Nga Prizreni n\u00eb Vlor\u00eb, nga Medvegja n\u00eb Tetov\u00eb, kan\u00eb ditur t\u00eb mbajn\u00eb gjall\u00eb frym\u00ebn e nj\u00eb shtetformimi q\u00eb s\u2019ka pasur as kushte, as ndihm\u00eb, por q\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetur mbi ndjenj\u00ebn e nderit. Dhe p\u00ebr k\u00ebt\u00eb arsye, Austria, q\u00eb n\u00eb periudh\u00ebn e Perandoris\u00eb s\u00eb Habsburg\u00ebve, ka par\u00eb te shqiptar\u00ebt nj\u00eb komb me dinjitet, nj\u00eb popull q\u00eb nuk k\u00ebrkon m\u00ebshir\u00eb, por drejt\u00ebsi.\u201d N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb moment, nj\u00eb nga studiuesit shqiptar\u00eb q\u00eb kishte marr\u00eb pjes\u00eb n\u00eb tryez\u00eb, foli me nj\u00eb ton t\u00eb but\u00eb, por me bindje t\u00eb qart\u00eb: \u201cRegjimet sllave mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb ndikuar n\u00eb politik\u00ebn ton\u00eb, mund t\u00eb ken\u00eb imponuar kultur\u00ebn e tyre t\u00eb kontrollit dhe frik\u00ebs, por nuk kan\u00eb mundur t\u00eb ndryshojn\u00eb shpirtin ton\u00eb.<\/p>\n

Dhe sot, kur bota po kthehet s\u00ebrish drejt demokracive t\u00eb v\u00ebrteta, \u00ebsht\u00eb koha q\u00eb edhe ne t\u00eb dalim nga hija e asaj kulture t\u00eb huaj. T\u00eb nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb shtetin ton\u00eb me frym\u00eb shqiptare, me men\u00e7urin\u00eb e bashkimit, jo me ndasit\u00eb e imponuara nga jasht\u00eb. Sepse shteti q\u00eb lind nga vet\u00ebdija, nuk mund t\u00eb shkat\u00ebrrohet m\u00eb nga propaganda.\u201d Profesor\u00ebt e huaj miratuan me kok\u00eb. N\u00eb sall\u00eb mbizot\u00ebronte nj\u00eb heshtje q\u00eb nuk ishte e zakonshme p\u00ebr bisedat akademike, ishte heshtja e reflektimit. Dhe profesori austriak e mbylli takimin me nj\u00eb fjali q\u00eb mbeti gjat\u00eb n\u00eb kujtes\u00eb t\u00eb t\u00eb pranishm\u00ebve: \u201cE ardhmja e shqiptar\u00ebve nuk do t\u00eb matet m\u00eb me hartat q\u00eb t\u00eb tjer\u00ebt vizatojn\u00eb, por me kufijt\u00eb q\u00eb ata vet\u00eb do t\u00eb vendosin p\u00ebr dinjitetin e tyre. N\u00ebse e kuptoni k\u00ebt\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb Lidhja e Prizrenit nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb histori, por \u00ebsht\u00eb e ardhmja q\u00eb pret t\u00eb rilind\u00eb n\u00eb form\u00ebn e nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije demokratike.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u2026 N\u00eb fund t\u00eb tryez\u00ebs, kur z\u00ebrat e profesor\u00ebve u shuan dhe gotat e ujit mbet\u00ebn gjysm\u00eb t\u00eb mbushura, nj\u00eb student shqiptar nga Prishtina, q\u00eb po p\u00ebrfundonte studimet n\u00eb Shkoll\u00ebn Diplomatike t\u00eb Vjen\u00ebs, k\u00ebrkoi leje p\u00ebr t\u00eb folur. Ai foli me nj\u00eb ton t\u00eb qet\u00eb, por me nj\u00eb lloj p\u00ebrmbajtjeje q\u00eb vinte nga thell\u00ebsia e p\u00ebrvoj\u00ebs. \u201cProfesori kishte t\u00eb drejt\u00eb,\u201d tha ai. \u201cRegjimet sllave nuk na kan\u00eb sunduar vet\u00ebm p\u00ebrmes forc\u00ebs, por p\u00ebrmes mend\u00ebsis\u00eb q\u00eb na kan\u00eb l\u00ebn\u00eb pas. Ata na kan\u00eb m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb dyshojm\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, t\u00eb shohim pushtetin si pron\u00eb, e jo si sh\u00ebrbim. Dhe kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb plag\u00eb q\u00eb nuk sh\u00ebrohet me fjal\u00eb, por me vet\u00ebdije. Por un\u00eb e kam par\u00eb ndryshimin q\u00eb po ndodh, ndon\u00ebse jo n\u00eb sallat e Kuvendit, por n\u00eb laborator\u00ebt e teknologjis\u00eb, n\u00eb rrjetet e t\u00eb rinjve q\u00eb mendojn\u00eb ndryshe, q\u00eb nuk e presin ndihm\u00ebn e shtetit, sepse ata e nd\u00ebrtojn\u00eb shtetin n\u00eb form\u00ebn e ideve t\u00eb tyre.\u201d<\/p>\n

Ai heshti p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast, sikur po k\u00ebrkonte fjal\u00ebn q\u00eb do ta mbyllte mendimin e tij, pastaj shtoi: \u201cBrezi im nuk e sheh pushtetin si q\u00ebllim, por si mjet. Ne nuk k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb karrige, k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi. Ne e dim\u00eb se shteti nuk fillon n\u00eb zyr\u00eb, por n\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegje. Dhe n\u00ebse brezat para nesh jan\u00eb p\u00ebrballur me arm\u00eb e me kufij, ne jemi brezi q\u00eb do t\u00eb luftoj\u00eb me dije, me transparenc\u00eb dhe me teknologji. Sepse vet\u00ebm k\u00ebshtu mund t\u00eb \u00e7lirohemi nga trash\u00ebgimia e imponuar, pra jo me hakmarrje, por me p\u00ebrparim.\u201d Profesor\u00ebt e d\u00ebgjuan me v\u00ebmendje. Nj\u00ebri prej tyre, nj\u00eb akademik q\u00eb kishte studiuar historin\u00eb e Lidhjes s\u00eb Prizrenit, tha me buz\u00ebqeshje t\u00eb leht\u00eb: \u201cJu flisni p\u00ebr referendume t\u00eb s\u00eb ardhmes, por ajo q\u00eb k\u00ebrkoni n\u00eb thelb \u00ebsht\u00eb ajo q\u00eb k\u00ebrkonte edhe Lidhja e Prizrenit n\u00eb vitin 1878, jo thjesht kufij tokash, por kufij dinjiteti. Jo thjesht mbrojtje t\u00eb territoreve, por afirmim t\u00eb vet\u00ebdijes komb\u00ebtare.<\/p>\n

N\u00eb k\u00ebt\u00eb kuptim, historia juaj nuk ka mbaruar, por ajo po vazhdon n\u00eb form\u00eb tjet\u00ebr, m\u00eb t\u00eb ndritur.\u201d N\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7ast, drita e pasdites vjeneze ra mbi flamurin shqiptar q\u00eb val\u00ebvitej n\u00eb dritaren e sall\u00ebs, e kuqja dukej m\u00eb e thell\u00eb, shqiponja m\u00eb e gjall\u00eb. Dhe ndoshta, p\u00ebr her\u00eb t\u00eb par\u00eb pas shum\u00eb vitesh, t\u00eb pranishmit ndjen\u00eb se historia nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb barr\u00eb, por udh\u00ebzim; se Lidhja e Prizrenit po rilindte, jo n\u00eb kuvende me arm\u00eb, por n\u00eb auditor\u00eb me libra, ekrane dhe z\u00ebra q\u00eb flasin me t\u00eb nj\u00ebjt\u00ebn gjuh\u00eb t\u00eb dinjitetit q\u00eb e kishte nisur gjith\u00e7ka.
\n\u2026 N\u00eb Bruksel, disa muaj pas diskutimit n\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, ai studenti shqiptar, tashm\u00eb pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb programi k\u00ebrkimor mbi integrimin e Ballkanit, po q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb sall\u00ebn e K\u00ebshillit t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian. N\u00eb dor\u00eb mbante punimin e tij diplomatik: \u201cVet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dija Evropiane e Shqiptar<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ve\u00a0<\/em>q\u00eb Nga Lidhja e Prizrenit e deri\u00a0<\/em>te Shoq<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ria Digjitale.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Fjalimi i tij filloi me nj\u00eb heshtje t\u00eb gjat\u00eb. Jo nga pasiguria, por nga respekti. \u201cN\u00ebse dikur shqiptar\u00ebt k\u00ebrkonin pranin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb hartat politike t\u00eb kontinentit,\u201d tha ai me z\u00eb t\u00eb matur, \u201csot ata k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb pranin\u00eb e tyre n\u00eb hart\u00ebn e vlerave evropiane. Sepse Evropa p\u00ebr ne nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm nj\u00eb projekt politik; \u00ebsht\u00eb nj\u00eb rikthim n\u00eb sht\u00ebpi. Nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi q\u00eb dikur na u mohua nga historia, por q\u00eb tani po e rind\u00ebrtojm\u00eb me vet\u00ebdije, me dije dhe me guxim.\u201d N\u00eb sall\u00eb, diplomat\u00ebt d\u00ebgjonin me v\u00ebmendje. Ai vazhdoi: \u201cHistoria na ka m\u00ebsuar se shteti q\u00eb nuk njeh t\u00eb kaluar\u00ebn e tij, nuk mund t\u00eb nd\u00ebrtoj\u00eb t\u00eb ardhmen. Por ne nuk duam t\u00eb jemi rob\u00ebr t\u00eb s\u00eb kaluar\u00ebs. Ne duam ta shnd\u00ebrrojm\u00eb at\u00eb n\u00eb urt\u00ebsi. N\u00eb Vjen\u00eb, profesor\u00ebt austriak\u00eb na kujtuan kontributin e tyre n\u00eb mb\u00ebshtetje t\u00eb \u00e7\u00ebshtjes shqiptare. Sot, n\u00eb Bruksel, un\u00eb dua t\u00eb kujtoj kontributin ton\u00eb ndaj Evrop\u00ebs, sepse shqiptar\u00ebt nuk jan\u00eb thjesht p\u00ebrfitues t\u00eb vlerave evropiane, por bart\u00ebs t\u00eb tyre. Ata i kan\u00eb mbajtur ato n\u00eb zem\u00ebr edhe n\u00eb periudha err\u00ebsire, kur Evropa vet\u00eb i kishte harruar.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb rreshtin e par\u00eb, nj\u00eb diplomate franceze e nd\u00ebrpreu me nj\u00eb pyetje t\u00eb qet\u00eb: \u201cZot\u00ebri, ju flisni p\u00ebr nj\u00eb vet\u00ebdije evropiane. Si matet ajo? Si d\u00ebshmohet?\u201d\u2026 Ai buz\u00ebqeshi, si p\u00ebr ta p\u00ebrfshir\u00eb gjith\u00eb historin\u00eb n\u00eb nj\u00eb fjali t\u00eb vetme: \u201eAjo nuk matet me statistika, por me sjellje. Me m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si ne trajtojm\u00eb nj\u00ebri-tjetrin, si respektojm\u00eb ligjin, si e mbrojm\u00eb t\u00eb v\u00ebrtet\u00ebn, edhe kur ajo s\u2019na shkon p\u00ebr shtat. Vet\u00ebdija evropiane nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb pasaport\u00eb, por pasqyr\u00eb. Dhe shqiptar\u00ebt po m\u00ebsojn\u00eb ta shohin veten n\u00eb t\u00eb.\u201d N\u00eb fund, ai shtoi me nj\u00eb ton q\u00eb dukej m\u00eb shum\u00eb si betim se si p\u00ebrmbyllje: \u201cNe jemi brezi q\u00eb do ta mbyll\u00eb ciklin e tranzicionit, jo me premtime, por me prova. Ne nuk duam m\u00eb t\u00eb flasim p\u00ebr Europ\u00ebn, duam t\u00eb flasim si evropian\u00eb. Sepse identiteti yn\u00eb nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb nj\u00eb k\u00ebrkes\u00eb, por nj\u00eb fakt n\u00eb zhvillim. Dhe ky fakt do t\u00eb matet jo me fjal\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por me dinjitetin e vog\u00ebl t\u00eb p\u00ebrditshm\u00ebris\u00eb son\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

N\u00eb fund t\u00eb fjalimit, dritat e sall\u00ebs u pasqyruan mbi flamurin kuq e zi q\u00eb val\u00ebvitej pran\u00eb atij t\u00eb Bashkimit Evropian. N\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7ast, nj\u00eb ambasador italian p\u00ebshp\u00ebriti: \u201cShqiptar\u00ebt dikur k\u00ebrkonin vend n\u00eb histori. Sot k\u00ebrkojn\u00eb vend n\u00eb nd\u00ebrgjegje.\u201d Dhe ndoshta kjo ishte fjalia m\u00eb e drejt\u00eb q\u00eb mund t\u00eb thuhej p\u00ebr nj\u00eb komb q\u00eb kishte m\u00ebsuar t\u00eb mos k\u00ebrkoj\u00eb m\u00eb mbrojtje nga jasht\u00eb, por forc\u00eb nga brenda, nj\u00eb komb q\u00eb m\u00eb n\u00eb fund po e kuptonte se integrimi fillon me vet\u00ebdijen, dhe p\u00ebrfundon me respektin q\u00eb bota i jep atyre q\u00eb din\u00eb t\u00eb q\u00ebndrojn\u00eb me dinjitet.
\nN\u00eb mbr\u00ebmjen e fundit t\u00eb q\u00ebndrimit n\u00eb Bruksel, nd\u00ebrsa rrug\u00ebt p\u00ebrreth Grand Place ndizeshin nga dritat e hershme t\u00eb dimrit, ai studenti shqiptar, tashm\u00eb i njohur p\u00ebr fjalimin e tij, q\u00ebndronte n\u00eb nj\u00eb kafene t\u00eb vog\u00ebl me pamje nga sheshi. Pran\u00eb tij ishin dy bashk\u00ebkomb\u00ebs t\u00eb tjer\u00eb: nj\u00eb artiste nga Tirana dhe nj\u00eb programues nga Prishtina. T\u00eb tre student\u00ebt kishin ardhur nga bot\u00eb t\u00eb ndryshme, por ndanin nj\u00eb ndjenj\u00eb t\u00eb p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, se ishin pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb epoke q\u00eb po k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb rind\u00ebrtoj\u00eb kuptimin e fjal\u00ebs shqiptar, jo vet\u00ebm si p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi, por edhe si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi.<\/p>\n

\u2026 Artisja foli e para: \u201cNe jemi brezi q\u00eb nuk i njeh kufijt\u00eb si mure, por si kujtime. Brezi q\u00eb nuk ka trash\u00ebguar frik\u00ebn e heshtjes, por d\u00ebshir\u00ebn p\u00ebr t\u00eb treguar historin\u00eb ton\u00eb me ngjyra t\u00eb reja. Programuesi e ndoqi me nj\u00eb qet\u00ebsi t\u00eb natyrshme: \u201cTeknologjia na ka dh\u00ebn\u00eb nj\u00eb fuqi q\u00eb politika s\u2019e ka kuptuar ende. Ne po nd\u00ebrtojm\u00eb ura pa leje shtet\u00ebrore, ura q\u00eb lidhin Tiran\u00ebn me Berlinin, Prishtin\u00ebn me Londr\u00ebn, Durr\u00ebsin me Brukselin. Dhe askush s\u2019mund t\u2019i rr\u00ebzoj\u00eb, sepse jan\u00eb ura t\u00eb dijes.\u201d N\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7ast, studenti, q\u00eb kishte folur n\u00eb K\u00ebshillin Evropian, mori fjal\u00ebn me nj\u00eb ton q\u00eb ngjante m\u00eb shum\u00eb si poezi sesa si argument: \u201cBrezi yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb ndryshe. Nuk k\u00ebrkon as t\u00eb ik\u00eb, as t\u00eb fshihet. K\u00ebrkon t\u00eb kuptohet. Ne nuk presim m\u00eb q\u00eb shteti t\u00eb na jap\u00eb drejtim, por ne po e m\u00ebsojm\u00eb vet\u00eb artin e drejtimit, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn ton\u00eb. Pa struktura t\u00eb r\u00ebnda, pa burokraci, por me pasion dhe me ide. Ne e duam Kosov\u00ebn dhe Shqip\u00ebrin\u00eb jo si monumente, por si mund\u00ebsi. Si fillime q\u00eb duhet t\u2019i mbajm\u00eb gjall\u00eb \u00e7do dit\u00eb.\u201d<\/p>\n

Pastaj, duke par\u00eb nga dritarja ku dritat e qytetit pasqyroheshin n\u00eb xham, ai shtoi me z\u00eb t\u00eb ul\u00ebt: \u201cEvropa nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb m\u00eb \u00ebnd\u00ebrr p\u00ebr ne. \u00cbsht\u00eb pasqyr\u00eb. Dhe n\u00eb t\u00eb, ne duam t\u00eb shohim veten jo si t\u00eb ftuar, por si bashk\u00ebkrijues. Si pjes\u00eb e nj\u00eb historie q\u00eb nuk fillon m\u00eb me luft\u00eb, por me dije, me ndjeshm\u00ebri, me kultur\u00eb.\u201d N\u00eb tryez\u00ebn ngjitur, nj\u00eb profesor belg, q\u00eb kishte ndjekur n\u00eb heshtje bised\u00ebn, u kthye nga ata dhe tha: \u201cJu nuk jeni vet\u00ebm e ardhmja e Kosov\u00ebs apo e Shqip\u00ebris\u00eb. Ju jeni prov\u00eb q\u00eb Evropa mund t\u00eb rilind\u00eb p\u00ebrmes atyre q\u00eb kan\u00eb vuajtur m\u00eb shum\u00eb, por q\u00eb ende besojn\u00eb n\u00eb drit\u00eb.\u201d Dhe ashtu, n\u00eb at\u00eb kafene t\u00eb vog\u00ebl, u duk sikur historia e gjat\u00eb e nj\u00eb kombi q\u00eb kishte kaluar p\u00ebrmes Berlinit, Vjen\u00ebs dhe Brukselit po kthehej n\u00eb nj\u00eb p\u00ebrshp\u00ebritje t\u00eb re, si nj\u00eb z\u00eb i qet\u00eb, por i vendosur, q\u00eb thoshte: \u201cNe jemi k\u00ebtu. Dhe nuk k\u00ebrkojm\u00eb m\u00eb njohje. K\u00ebrkojm\u00eb bashk\u00ebpjes\u00ebmarrje. Sepse identiteti yn\u00eb \u00ebsht\u00eb tashm\u00eb i integrar me identitetin e Evrop\u00ebs; n\u00eb art, n\u00eb shkenc\u00eb, n\u00eb kultur\u00eb dhe n\u00eb ndjenj\u00ebn se dinjiteti \u00ebsht\u00eb gjuha e vetme q\u00eb s\u2019ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr p\u00ebrkthim.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u2026 N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>sall<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n e heshtur t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Institutit Politik n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Vjen<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, dritat e zbehta ndri<\/em>\u00e7onin nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tryez<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rrumbullak<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t ku ishin mbledhur profesor<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>eminent<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, studiues dhe diplomat<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rinj nga disa vende t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Evrop<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s Juglindore. N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>murin pas tyre varej nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>hart<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e vjet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r e Gadishullit Ilirik<\/em>, nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kujtes<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e ftoht<\/em>\u00eb e kufijve t\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ndar<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>me laps t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>huaj, por edhe e plag<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ve q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>historia s<\/em>\u2019kish mundur t<\/em>\u2019i sh<\/em>\u00ebronte plot\u00eb<\/em>sisht. Biseda kishte filluar me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ton akademik, por shpejt ishte kthyer n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>reflektim t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>thell<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mbi m<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nyr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n se si regjimet sllave, p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rmes strategjive t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tyre t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rafinuara politike, kishin nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rhyr<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r dekada n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mend<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sin<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shqiptare, duke krijuar modele qeverisjeje q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>m<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shum<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ngjanin me kontroll sesa me udh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>heqje, me pushtet t<\/em>\u00eb trash\u00eb<\/em>guar sesa me p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>si t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>fituar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>profesor austriak, njoh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s i vjet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r i\u00a0<\/em>\u00e7\u00eb<\/em>shtjes shqiptare dhe studiues i marr\u00eb<\/em>dh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nieve historike t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rajonit, foli me ton t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>but<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, por t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>prer<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>:\u00a0<\/em>\u201cNe n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Austri e dim<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mir<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>se historia nuk\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m arkiv dokumentesh, por<\/em>\u00a0\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>sistem nervor i kombeve. Dhe n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>rastin shqiptar, ky sistem\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>l<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nduar vazhdimisht nga ndikime q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ardhur nga veriu. Regjimet sllave nuk kan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>synuar vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m pushtimin territorial, por at<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kulturor e institucional, duke mbjell<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>logjik<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>politike q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkufizon shtetin si zot<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rim personal dhe jo si sh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rbim publik. Kjo\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>m<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nyra m<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e sofistikuar e nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pushtimi: kur njeriu i n<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nshtruar fillon t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mendoj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>si pushtuesi.<\/em>\u201d Nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tjet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r profesor nga Universiteti i Grazit shtoi:\u00a0<\/em>\u201cKjo kultur<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e imponuar nuk ka qen<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kurr<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pjes<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e thelbit shqiptar. Ajo\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>importuar p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rmes dekadave t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dhun<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s, frik<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s dhe var<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sis<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>politike.<\/em><\/p>\n

Politika q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shfaqet sot si hakmarr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>se, e p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r\u00e7ar<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dhe e mbyllur ndaj bashk<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>punimit,\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pasoj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e drejtp<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rdrejt<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>tij ndikimi t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>huaj, q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shum<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>raste\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>maskuar si patriotiz<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m, por n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>thelb ka qen<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>frik<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nga p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sia. Shqiptar<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t kan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pasur gjithmon<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shpirt evropian. Sot<\/em>\u00a0ajo q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mungon\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m pastrimi i shtresave t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>huazuara nga mentaliteti i vjet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r sllav q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ende gjallon n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>disa struktura t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pushtetit.<\/em>\u201d N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>fund, fjala kaloi te nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>profesor i ri shqiptar, i cili kishte ardhur nga Berlini me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>punim mbi tranzicionin demokratik t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Kosov<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s. Ai foli me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>gjuh<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nd<\/em>\u00ebrthurte ndjesin\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e dhimbjes me bindjen e shpres<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s:\u00a0<\/em>\u201cE vetmja m<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nyr<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r ta \u00e7liruar shtetin nga hijet e s<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kaluar<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rmes vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dijes qytetare. Kjo nuk arrihet me urdhra, as me ligje, por me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>proces q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rkon p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rfshirje, guxim dhe besim. Shqiptar<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t kan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>treguar se din<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mbijetojn<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, por tani\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>koha t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tregojn<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>se din<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rtojn<\/em>\u00eb. Ne duhet t\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kthehemi te modeli i Lidhjes s<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Prizrenit, jo si nostalgji historike, por si projekt i ri qytetar.<\/em><\/p>\n

Me vot<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegjshme, me referendum t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sis<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, me bashkim t<\/em>\u00eb mendjes p\u00eb<\/em>rtej partive. Vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m at<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>her<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, q<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>llimet historike do t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>marrin form<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n e demokracis<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>moderne.\u201d N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>sall<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ra nj<\/em>\u00eb heshtje q\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>s<\/em>\u2019ishte as e ftoht<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, as e sikletshme ishte heshtja e pranimit. Profesori austriak ngriti kok<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n dhe tha me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>z<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dukej si nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ur<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mes shekujve:<\/em>\u00a0\u201cPrizreni dhe Vjena jan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dy faqe t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>s<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>jt<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s histori. N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n u hodh fara e bashkimit, n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>tjetr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n po rritet vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>dija e drejt<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sis<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>. N<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>se shqiptar<\/em>\u00ebt arrijn\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ta ruajn<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>k<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kujtes<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, at<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>her<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>Gadishulli Ilirik do t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pushoj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>s<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>qeni fush<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r ndikime t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>huaja dhe do t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>b<\/em>\u00ebhet hap\u00eb<\/em>sir<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e bashk<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>punimit t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ndersh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>m.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Pastaj, si p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r ta p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rmbyllur diskutimin me nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>not<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>q<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>q<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ndronte mes politik<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>s dhe shpirtit, ai shtoi:<\/em>\u00a0\u201cShteti\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>si nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pem<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>e lasht<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>: rr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t jan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>historia, trungu\u00a0<\/em>\u00ebsht\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>nd<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>rgjegjja, deg<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t jan<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>brezat q<\/em>\u00eb vijn\u00eb<\/em>. N<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>se nj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ra pjes<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kalbet, e gjith<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pema l<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>kundet. Por n<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>se kujdesemi p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r rr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>nj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t dhe i japim drit<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>trungut, deg<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t do t\u00eb \u00e7elin vet<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>.\u201d N<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>fund t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>asaj mbr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>mjeje vjeneze, student<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t shqiptar<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>dol<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>n n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>oborrin e institutit. Dritat e qytetit ndri<\/em>\u00e7onin si nj<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>kujtim i larg<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t, dhe dikush tha me z<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>ul<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t:<\/em>\u00a0\u201cHistoria jon<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>s<\/em>\u2019duhet m\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>t<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>jet<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>mburoj<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>, por pasqyr<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>. Dhe n<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>at<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>pasqyr<\/em>\u00eb, duhet t\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>shohim jo plag<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>t, por mund<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>sin<\/em>\u00eb\u00a0<\/em>p<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>r t<\/em>\u2019u sh<\/em>\u00eb<\/em>ruar.\u201d
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

\u2026\u00a0<\/em>N\u00eb heshtjen q\u00eb pasoi, dritat e Vjen\u00ebs dukeshin si kujtime t\u00eb larg\u00ebta t\u00eb nj\u00eb qytet\u00ebrimi q\u00eb kishte ditur ta m\u00ebsonte Evrop\u00ebn t\u00eb rimendohej pas \u00e7do lufte. Dhe nd\u00ebrsa student\u00ebt shqiptar\u00eb po shp\u00ebrndaheshin ngadal\u00eb n\u00eb rrugicat e mbuluara me drit\u00eb, profesori m\u00eb i moshuar, ai q\u00eb kishte studiuar p\u00ebr vite marr\u00ebdh\u00ebniet ballkanike, tha me nj\u00eb buz\u00ebqeshje t\u00eb leht\u00eb: \u201cE dini \u00e7far\u00eb m\u00eb b\u00ebn t\u00eb besoj te ju? Ju keni nj\u00eb Evrop\u00eb brenda vetes, q\u00eb s\u2019e keni zbuluar ende plot\u00ebsisht. Nj\u00eb Evrop\u00eb t\u00eb heshtur, q\u00eb s\u2019ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr leksione nga jasht\u00eb, sepse ajo \u00ebsht\u00eb ruajtur n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si respektoni familjen, n\u00eb m\u00ebnyr\u00ebn si mbani fjal\u00ebn, si i ndihmoni nj\u00ebri-tjetrit edhe n\u00eb dit\u00ebt m\u00eb t\u00eb err\u00ebta. Kjo \u00ebsht\u00eb Europa q\u00eb nuk matet me traktate, por me shpirt.\u201d<\/p>\n

Nj\u00eb nga student\u00ebt, ai q\u00eb m\u00eb par\u00eb kishte folur p\u00ebr Lidhjen e Prizrenit, u ndal p\u00ebr nj\u00eb \u00e7ast. \u201cProfesor,\u201d tha ai me ton t\u00eb p\u00ebrmbajtur, \u201cn\u00ebse kjo Evrop\u00eb e brendshme \u00ebsht\u00eb ende gjall\u00eb, at\u00ebher\u00eb ndoshta na mbetet vet\u00ebm ta b\u00ebjm\u00eb t\u00eb dukshme. Me arsimin, me vot\u00ebn, me pun\u00ebn, me fjal\u00ebn e drejt\u00eb.\u201d Profesori e pa me miratim dhe iu p\u00ebrgjigj me nj\u00eb fraz\u00eb q\u00eb mbeti si nj\u00eb vul\u00eb mbi gjith\u00eb at\u00eb mbr\u00ebmje: \u201cKur Evropa e brendshme e nj\u00eb populli zgjohet, at\u00ebher\u00eb kufijt\u00eb e jasht\u00ebm b\u00ebhen t\u00eb par\u00ebnd\u00ebsish\u00ebm.\u201d N\u00eb at\u00eb \u00e7ast, ora e vjet\u00ebr e institutit ra tri her\u00eb. Dritat e sall\u00ebs u fik\u00ebn ngadal\u00eb, dhe nga dritarja u pa h\u00ebna q\u00eb ndri\u00e7onte rrug\u00ebt e Vjen\u00ebs; e qet\u00eb, e bardh\u00eb, e lart\u00eb, nj\u00ebsoj si vet\u00ebdija q\u00eb po ngrihej ngadal\u00eb n\u00eb shpirtin e nj\u00eb brezi q\u00eb nuk k\u00ebrkonte m\u00eb fjal\u00eb t\u00eb m\u00ebdha, por drejt\u00ebsi t\u00eb qet\u00eb. Sepse n\u00eb fund, historia e shqiptar\u00ebve nuk \u00ebsht\u00eb vet\u00ebm histori kufijsh, por \u00ebsht\u00eb edhe nj\u00eb histori vet\u00ebdijeje. Dhe Evropa e v\u00ebrtet\u00eb, ajo q\u00eb s\u2019ka nevoj\u00eb p\u00ebr miratim, fillon pik\u00ebrisht aty, ku nj\u00eb popull m\u00ebson ta njoh\u00eb veten.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Shkruan: Safet Sadiku T\u00eb\u00a0tre student\u00ebt kishin ardhur nga bot\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0ndryshme, por ndanin nj\u00eb\u00a0ndjenj\u00eb\u00a0t\u00eb\u00a0p\u00ebrbashk\u00ebt, se ishin pjes\u00eb\u00a0e nj\u00eb\u00a0epoke q\u00eb\u00a0po k\u00ebrkonte t\u00eb\u00a0rind\u00ebrtoj\u00eb\u00a0kuptimin e fjal\u00ebs shqiptar, jo\u00a0vet\u00ebm\u00a0si p\u00ebrkat\u00ebsi, por\u00a0edhe\u00a0si p\u00ebrgjegj\u00ebsi. 3) Shteti nuk nd\u00ebrtohet vet\u00ebm me liri. Liria \u00ebsht\u00eb fillimi, jo fundi. Pas saj vjen puna e v\u00ebshtir\u00eb, pra\u00a0 nd\u00ebrtimi i dinjitetit. Shteti \u00ebsht\u00eb si nj\u00eb sht\u00ebpi q\u00eb k\u00ebrkon […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":8377,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-8376","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-vendi"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8376","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=8376"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8376\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8378,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8376\/revisions\/8378"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/8377"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=8376"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=8376"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/syri.tv\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=8376"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}